Myth: the army to prevent a communist coup in 1964 | Superinteressante

“Marxists organizing peasants in Brazil”, has fun as he said in the first page of the New York Times on 23 October 1960. The newspaper had sent a correspondent Tad Szulc mill of Galilee in the areas of canavieiros of the state of Pernambuco, where he was born and peasant leagues – the Association of mutual aid of the peasants who appeared in the year 1955 with the aim of providing minions worth of their dead, but that arrived in the 1960s the largest movement of the rural. In the words lifted from Szulc, the alloy they are made of the Brazilian North-East is fertile ground for “area damage” of the Communists , with the aim of creating “an army of political $ 40 million”.

This story is familiar to the American public reflected a common fear among the Brazilian military that the Communists were preparing the Revolutionary War to make Brazil great against Cuba. The movement of bullion in the field, and the trade unions with communist leaders in cities may be one of the symptoms of this. But it wasn’t much. Although the Cuban revolution and the romantic figure of Che Guevara can inspire idealistic young people, the armed struggle was out of the plans of the left in Brazil.

See also

21 mitos sobre a ditadura militar
21 myths about the military dictatorship
The Cuban revolution had inspired the youth of the left, but Django was far from being a revolutionary leader

The Cuban revolution had inspired the youth of the left, but Django was far from being a revolutionary leader (dissemination/replication)

To begin with, Django wasn’t a communist. Marxist orthodoxy advocates the end of private ownership of the means of production. Already Django was the lawyer, the owner of Rio Grande do Sul territory. But this kind of detail doesn’t matter. In times of the Cold War, the dialogue with the Communist Left. The electoral base of django is always the workers and the poor. In the Ministry of labour of Brazil (1953-1954), support the unions, not the suppression of strikes, I tried to double the minimum wage. People ended up. On the plateau of a lot of social movements to put pressure on Congress Street are not reforms. Ended up overthrown.

His party, the PTB, also passed away from communism. On the contrary, was created by the President Getulio Vargas in 1945, to compete with communists in the Department of urban workers. While the PCB talked about “class struggle”, the PTB used the Ministry of Labour to tame the unions. Thus Brazil became the history of the “father of the poor or the rich.”

The country industrializou, suite PTB took a turn towards nationalism of the left. When he was governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963), Brizola took control of the American companies that supplied electricity and telephone communication in the state, and threatened civil war to ensure the acquisition of Django, in 1961. But this extreme nationalism is not confused with communism. It was closer to anti-imperialism source Nasser, India’s Nehru, Indonesian Soekarno judge who rejected the leadership of both the United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold War.

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Even the old PCB had lost the revolutionary spirit. In 1958, Partidão abandoned armed revolution. Instead of fighting against the bourgeoisie, the goal was to gain power through the legal route, the government’s strong support of the occasion. Django was a perfect ally. Once in power, the PCB that the fight against “imperialism” (foreign capital) and “feudalism” (latifundium). Empurrara with the belly of the “dictatorship of the proletariat”, with a non-specific term.

“With the opening of the Joule, the ideology of the PCB seems to find the base of political support,” says Marcelo Ridenti, professor of sociology at Campinas. “The so-called populism of the left, the PCB has many points of contact. Both claimed that the liberation of the people to build the Brazilian nation independent from the Imperial and free from the delay of the remnants of feudalism in this area”.

The Cuban revolution is very well received by all of the current so-called progressive, but to join the armed struggle has had little influence before the coup.

Marcelo Ridenti, sociology

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But the civil and the military were the causes of evolution than otherwise. Since the mid-1950s, the War College and other thought and opinion right with regard to fear that any unconventional warfare in progress in the third world, with a view to the implementation of communism. Already happened in Indochina (1946), Cuba (1956-1959), in Algeria (1956-1962). This conflict will not involve states, but “domestic enemy”, which may work in all levels of society. Means it will be indoctrination, mass mobilization of armed struggle. In Brazil, only to miss the last element.

Everything was more threatening to the right with the popularity of the Cuban Revolution between the left. “It was very well received by all of the current so-called progressives at the beginning of the 1960’s, leaving the Catholic to the communists, and the Socialists,” says Ridenti.

But there was a real danger that prevailed in Brazil Cuba and the South. It’s one thing to celebrate the symbolic David Latin against the Goliath of America. Another thing is to pick up arms for the revolution. While Brazil was a democracy, the armed struggle was. Instead of the left adopted the strategy of behavior of the PCB to combine Django and pressure for reforms in the streets. It was only with the coup in 1964 that the association debandaram of Partidão have adopted a revolutionary model of Fidel Castro. If this small and successful guerrilla tried to make Brazil the second of Cuba, in large part a reaction to the coup.

This is the last part of file “21 myths about the military dictatorship”, which you can read in full here.

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